Student strike movement 2015

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Fascinating.  As someone that has NEVER hired someone that took five years to complete a four year degree please tell me ....


abnormal wrote:

As someone that has NEVER hired someone that took five years to complete a four year degree

Seriously, I don't understand the context of what you're talking about. How does this relate to the student strikers?


I've never even hired anyone that completed a 4-year degree in 3 years.

What about other babblers' hiring practices? Or maybe this belongs in a new thread?


As someone who did her BA and part of her MA part-time (while working, of course), I ressemble that!


Good article by Ethan Cox:

[url= with silly string: Quebec student-strike leader jailed indefinitely[/url]


On Friday, Apr. 17, Montreal municipal court Judge Denis Laberge jailed a student leader named Hamza Babou and threw away the key. Facing a series of summary charges for his role in the student strike, none of them rising to the level of a criminal accusation, Babou will finish his semester in prison after Laberge took the unprecedented step of imprisoning him through the conclusion of his trial.

“You’re involved in a crusade, and it’s difficult to see where it will end” the judge said, as he passed judgement. “These are very serious charges, made in a context where UQAM seems overwhelmed by certain groups of protesters who want to block courses.”

“The public would be discouraged [if I freed you]. A well-informed public would say: the municipal court, it means nothing... You defied the injunction like it didn’t exist. In this context, I have difficulty thinking you can meet your conditions [if you are released].” [...[

These actions fit a pattern of what constitutional law expert Julius Grey describes as political profiling. He’s representing another young student, Katie Nelson, who was issued over $10,000 worth of tickets for jaywalking, loitering, littering, and other minor offences while peacefully participating in protests between 2012 and 2013. A self-described anarchist, Nelson claims to have been frequently stalked by police officers who called out to her by name, and flaunted their knowledge of details of her life, including where she lived. Grey is suing the city and police force on her behalf pro bono, seeking to establish a constitutional precedent which would afford the same protections to political beliefs as are currently afforded to religious ones under the charter.

Student democracy is strong in Quebec, and as observers saw with the brutal sacking of the former ASSÉ executive a few weeks ago, any perceived deviation from the positions adopted by students in a general assembly is punishable by immediate firing. These students were elected to represent their peers, or rose up to do so organically, and if they weren’t doing it someone else would.

Now they’re expelled and/or in jail. For silly string. For broken vending machines. For ideas.



Yes, that was great. I was going to write about Babou, but I was busy (working).

I'm also wondering if their might not be a hint of racial profiling as well, as with Jaggi Singh. Of course Babou's "radicalisation" has absolutely nothing in common with other students of Maghrebi origin suspected of joining the so-called Islamic State...

Denise Bombardier let flow a typical pile of shit about Hamza Babou in Le Journal de Montréal. Flush!


A powerful call to solidarity from The Women’s and Sexuality Studies Students (WSSA) to the Simone de Beauvoir Institute

[url=]Striking is not a cute thing we do only when it’s convenient[/url]

  • Passing institutional violence and disciplinary measures onto striking students is not support. It is not neutral. Passing pressure down the University hierarchy onto striking students is taking a stance — a stance against the strike, a stance against the legitimacy of collective decision-making through general assemblies.
  • Setting hard deadlines for assignments during a strike is not support, it’s an invitation to violate the collectively determined strike mandate.
  • Claiming repeatedly that there is no hard deadline for turning in grades in during conversations with students and then sending emails to everyone with a hard deadline is not support. It is an invitation to strikebreaking that does not even allow for clear communication among striking students or the development of trust between students and professors.
  • Telling those who organize to fight for social justice that their struggle is “counterproductive” is not support, it is paternalistic micromanagement. We recognize that this movement is not perfect (to say the least), and we have a lot to learn from the mistakes we made. This is not a reason to punish us for trying. Support is not something you withdraw when you see that the wind starts blowing in the other direction.
  • Deciding to academically penalize striking students is not support, it is discipline. Blaming students for the consequences they are facing for striking by using a rhetoric of “it’s your strike so deal with the consequences” is hypocritically erasing the power that professors, the Principal, and the Institute as a unit have taken in enforcing those consequences. If this power is used against striking students, we cannot accept that you claim to support the strike. That is simply not true.

You tell us that “We need to work alongside (and not against) our institution to pressure the government into stopping the funding cuts.” We ask you to work alongside (and not against) us in enforcing our strike in our struggle to stop austerity measures.Telling us that our strike against austerity is a noble cause while using your power to end it is not support. This is not what solidarity looks like.

As we move into the most intense and crucial time of our strike, we ask that the Principal and our professors critically examine their political commitments. We ask that those who spend time teaching us about feminism and solidarity reconsider whether their actions and decisions are in line with their theories. We ask that they use language of “support”, “solidarity”, “sisterhood” and “allyship” with accountability to those they claim to be in solidarity with. We ask that they recognize the legitimacy of the decisions made by our democratic collective decision-making structure. We ask for real support — like the extension of the semester, like pushing deadlines after the strike is over, like not punishing students who actively mobilize for the strike or professors who choose to support us.

Thank you to those who have consistently materially supported us, our fellow striking students at Concordia, our allies at WSSA McGill and at UQÀM, some members of the wider Simone de Beauvoir Institute community and staff and those few professors who have done what they can to help us through this process.

WSSA Mobilization – Concordia

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Occupy Everything: Montreal Students Hold Weeklong Encampment Protesting Austerity Cuts

In an effort to breathe new life into the somewhat dwindling anti-austerity movement, nearly 100 students have set up a makeshift campsite outside a Montreal CÉGEP school.

In Quebec, protests against the provincial Liberal government's austerity measures have been becoming smaller yet increasingly creative, with events like a non-mixed feminist march, the UQAM occupation—which led to violent mayhem and the arrest of more than a dozen students—and a "die-in" in opposition to health-care cuts that would threaten access to abortion.

But CÉGEP de Saint Laurent students—most between 16 and 20 years old—claim these methods are no longer cutting it, and have opted to build a more "permanent" symbol of their dissent. As of Thursday, more than 60 tents lined the school grounds.

"It's another way to protest and get our message across because, while the protest marches work, there are fewer and fewer people attending, and we get pepper sprayed all night," said one student named Alex. "This is a new way of doing things."

Channeling 2011's Occupy Wall Street movement, the students have baptized the movement Occup' Toute (Occupy Everything) and have written a manifesto detailing their motivations....

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The “Longue durée” of the Québec Spring

As has been the case for several years, great mobilizations take place around the globe. We notice them when they are covered by mainstream media; although the coverage only occurs when these mobilizations reach their apex. Generally speaking, we fairly quickly jump to some other concerns, as if the Tahir square protests, the Madrid Indignados, or the street confrontations in Athens, Istanbul or Bangkok were merely sudden and short-lasting eruptions. That was notably how the Québec spring of 2012 was depicted. This large citizens’ movement, originally launched by a spectacular student strike, rapidly turned into something broader, of an unprecedented scope. Three years later, a new Québec spring is taking shape around a wide coalition: students, public sector unions, and public service users are leading to a growing multitude rising against the 1%....

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From One Spring to Another and Beyond

Facing this new offensive, the popular movement is getting mobilized. Since October (2014), over 700 protests have taken place from one side of the province to the other, in big cities and remote villages. Media cannot ignore marches of 150,000 people (November 2014), and 80,000 (April 2015), but they conceal the work being done outside of big cities by unlikely coalitions comprising unions, students, and several other sectors, even including elected municipal officials. Indeed, the attempted state re-engineering being pursued by the current government includes an actual slaughter of rural regions, where numerous institutions ranging from schools to healthcare facilities will be closed in the name of ‘austerity’.

A “coalition of coalitions” coordinates these movements toward a great day of action on May Day. It also projects several actions over the course of the summer eventually leading to an important workers’ strike next fall.

The polarization is still alive. To counter the popular movement, the Québec state uses fear, and exploits the movement's hesitation and internal divisions. Unlike 2012, students have not been able to sufficiently expand their strike. Sub-groups attempted ill-prepared localized “commando” actions. This strike, which was devised to generate wider support, did not achieve its goals despite the tens of thousands of students who showed their pugnacity and resolve, notably through the Association pour une Solidarité Syndicale Étudiante (ASSÉ).